First and foremost, our thoughts and prayers are with the families and colleagues of Ambassador Chris Stevens and the three other Americans killed in Libya.  The events and tragedies over the last 48 hours in Egypt and Libya remind us that the values we hold dear in America are constant targets in the most dangerous parts of the world.

The Administration’s response has been a mixed message to the world.  At a time when Americans are outraged at the killing of four American citizens, including our chief diplomat in Libya, as well as the destruction of our consulate there, the President appears more concerned with offending the protesters.  His statements have scantly mentioned the need to bring the perpetrators to justice.  And he has not yet given any indication that he is using what leverage he has to demand the full cooperation of Libyan officials to investigate the killings.

More broadly, we must also evaluate the value of our presence in Libya.  After the fall of Qadafi, Americans were right to assume we would have a friend in the newly liberated country.  But progress has been difficult.  There is not yet a fully functional government in Libya.  On July 7, 2012, Libyan voters chose 200 members of a General National Congress (GNC) in the country’s first nationwide election in 30 years. The GNC is now charged with overseeing national government affairs, appointing a new cabinet, and determining the method for drafting a new constitution.  But as we are now painfully aware, whatever form this new government takes, it is not yet capable of protecting our embassy and consulates.  

We should close the consulate in Benghazi and vacate the premises.  America has a clear history on this front. The U.S.withdrew its last Ambassador to Libya in 1972;  a few years later, all remaining U.S. government personnel were withdrawn and the consulate was shut down after a mob attacked and set fire to it on December 2, 1979.  In that incident no one was killed, yet the American response was swift and firm.  A diplomatic presence in Libya was not restored until 2004.Only after the Libyan government has demonstrated the ability to ensure the safety of American diplomats should we reopen a U.S. consulate.  

We also have significant leverage through the funding Libya now receives from the U.S. As of August 2012, the United States government has provided more than $200 million in assistance to Libya since the beginning of the uprising in 2011. If Libya is unwilling to lend its full cooperation to finding the criminals who took American lives, we should cut some or all of the funding Libya receives.

Finally, it is important to remember that a consulate is a diplomatic and policy center, not a military base.  Apart from protecting and removing American citizens, there is no reason to put Marines there.  Absent a defined purpose, time period, and desired result, the United States should not engage in military operations in Libya.   

Libya has the potential to be a great American ally and an advocate of democracy and freedom in the region.  The United States will stand ready to support Libya if these are its aims, but not until it has shown this is the path it will pursue.