When
Thomas Jefferson sent Lewis and Clark into the West, he patterned
their mission on the methods of Enlightenment science: to observe,
collect, document, and classify. Such strategies were already in
place for the epic voyages made by explorers like Cook and Vancouver.
Like their contemporaries, Lewis and Clark were more than representatives
of European rationalism. They also represented a rising American
empire, one built on aggressive territorial expansion and commercial
gain.
But there was another view of the West: that of the native inhabitants
of the land. Their understandings of landscapes, peoples, and resources
formed both a contrast and counterpoint to those of Jefferson's
travelers. This part of the exhibition presents five areas where
Lewis and Clark's ideas and values are compared with those of native
people. Sometimes the similarities are striking; other times the
differences stand as a reminder of future conflicts and misunderstandings.
Discovering Diplomacy
One of Lewis and Clark's missions was to open diplomatic relations
between the United States and the Indian nations of the West. As
Jefferson told Lewis, "it will now be proper you should inform those
through whose country you will pass . . . that henceforth we become
their fathers and friends." When Euro-Americans and Indians met,
they used ancient diplomatic protocols that included formal language,
ceremonial gifts, and displays of military power. But behind these
symbols and rituals there were often very different ways of understanding
power and authority. Such differences sometimes made communication
across the cultural divide difficult and open to confusion and misunderstanding.
An important organizing principle in Euro-American society was
hierarchy. Both soldiers and civilians had complex gradations of
rank to define who gave orders and who obeyed. While kinship was
important in the Euro-American world, it was even more fundamental
in tribal societies. Everyone's power and place depended on a complex
network of real and symbolic relationships. When the two groups
met--whether for trade or diplomacy--each tried to reshape the other
in their own image. Lewis and Clark sought to impose their own notions
of hierarchy on Indians by "making chiefs" with medals, printed
certificates, and gifts. Native people tried to impose the obligations
of kinship on the visitors by means of adoption ceremonies, shared
names, and ritual gifts.
Blunderbuss, ca. 1809-1810
Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution,
National Museum of American History,
Behring Center, Washington, D.C. (53) |
Blunderbuss
The Lewis and Clark expedition was in many ways
an infantry company on the move, fully equipped with rifles
of various kinds, muskets, and pistols. Among the firearms
were two blunderbusses. Named after the Dutch words for "thunder
gun," the blunderbuss was unmistakable for its heavy stock,
short barrel, and wide-mouthed muzzle. Other expedition guns
might be graceful in design and craftsmanship but the stout
blunderbuss simply signified brute force and power. Lewis
and Clark fired their blunderbusses as signs of arrival when
entering Indian camps or villages. |
Pipe tomahawk
Pipe tomahawks are artifacts unique to North
America--created by Europeans as trade objects but often exchanged
as diplomatic gifts. They are powerful symbols of the choice
Europeans and Indians faced whenever they met: one end was
the pipe of peace, the other an axe of war. Lewis's expedition
packing list notes that fifty pipe tomahawks were to be taken
on the expedition.
|
Pipe tomahawk (Shoshone),
1800s
Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. (39)

|
|
Jefferson's
Secret Message to Congress
While Jefferson made no effort to hide the Lewis
and Clark expedition from Spanish, French, and British officials,
he did try to shield it from his political enemies. By the
time he was ready to request funds for the enterprise, Jefferson's
relationship with the opposition in Congress was anything
but friendly. When the president suggested including expedition
funding in his regular address to Congress, Secretary of the
Treasury Albert Gallatin (1761-1849) urged that the request
be made in secret. The message purported to focus on the state
of Indian trade and mentioned the proposed western expedition
near the end of the document. |
Jefferson's Instructions for Meriwether
Lewis
No document proved more important for the exploration
of the American West than the letter of instructions Jefferson
prepared for Lewis. Jefferson's letter became the charter
for federal exploration for the remainder of the nineteenth
century. The letter combined national aspirations for territorial
expansion with scientific discovery. Here Jefferson sketched
out a comprehensive and flexible plan for western exploration.
That plan created a military exploring party with one key
mission--finding the water passage across the continent "for
the purposes of commerce"--and many additional objectives,
ranging from botany to ethnography. Each section of the document
was really a question in search of a western answer. Two generations
of American explorers marched the West in search of those
answers. |
|
|
Jefferson Peace Medal
The American republic began to issue peace medals
during the first Washington administration, continuing a tradition
established by the European nations. Lewis and Clark brought
at least eighty-nine medals in five sizes in order to designate
five "ranks" of chief. In the eyes of Americans, Indians who
accepted such medals were also acknowledging American sovereignty
as "children" of a new "great father." And in a moment of
imperial bravado, Lewis hung a peace medal around the neck
of a Piegan Blackfeet warrior killed by the expedition in
late July 1806. As Lewis later explained, he used a peace
medal as a way to let the Blackfeet know "who we were." |
Making Chiefs
Lewis was frustrated by the egalitarian nature
of Indian society: "the authority of the Chief being nothing
more than mere admonition . . . in fact every man is a chief."
He set out to change that by "making chiefs." He passed out
medals, certificates, and uniforms to give power to chosen
men. By weakening traditional authority, he sought to make
it easier for the United States to negotiate with the tribes.
Lewis told the Otos that they needed these certificates "In
order that the commandant at St. Louis . . . may know . .
. that you have opened your ears to your great father's voice."
The certificate on display was left over from the expedition.
|
This image is not available online:
Certificate of loyalty, ca. 1803
Printed document with wax seal and ribbon
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis (43) |
This
image is not available online:
Speech to the Yellowstone Indians, 1806
Speech of Arikara chiefs, 1804
Manuscripts
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical
Society, St. Louis (44,
49) |
Making
Speeches
In their speeches, Lewis and Clark called the
Indians "children." To explorers, the term expressed the relationship
of ruler and subject. Clark modeled this speech to the Yellowstone
Indians on one that Lewis gave to Missouri River tribes. In
their speeches, the Indians called Lewis and Clark "father,"
as in this example made by the Arikira Chiefs. To them, it
expressed kinship and their assumption that an adoptive father
undertook an obligation to show generosity and loyalty to
his new family. William Clark recorded this speech as it was
made by the chiefs. |
Making Kinship
In tribal society, kinship was like a legal
system--people depended on relatives to protect them from
crime, war, and misfortune. People with no kin were outside
of society and its rules. To adopt Lewis and Clark into tribal
society, the Plains Indians used a pipe ceremony. The ritual
of smoking and sharing the pipe was at the heart of much
Native American diplomacy. With the pipe the captains accepted
sacred obligations to share wealth, aid in war, and revenge
injustice. At the end of the ceremony, the pipe was presented
to them so they would never forget their obligations. This
pipe may have been given to Lewis and Clark.
|
Pipe bowl [Plains/Great
Lakes], ca. 1800-1850
Stone (catlinite) and lead
Courtesy of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Gift of
the heirs of David Kimball, 1899 (48a)
|

Pipe stem [Plains/Great Lakes], ca. 1800-1850
Wood, ivory-billed woodpecker head and scalp, wood duck face patch, dyed
downy feathers, dyed horsehair, dyed artiodactyls hair, dyed and undyed
porcupine quills, sinew, bast fiber cords, glazed cotton fabric, sinew,
bast fiber cords, glazed cotton fabric, twill-woven wool tapes, silk
ribbons, and shell beads (48b)
|
|
Jefferson's
Cipher
While Jefferson knew that for much of the journey
he and his travelers would be out of touch, the president
thought Indians and fur traders might carry small messages
back to him. A life-long fascination for gadgets and secret
codes led Jefferson to present Lewis with this key-word cipher.
Lewis was instructed to "communicate to us, at seasonable
intervals, a copy of your journal, notes & observations,
of every kind, putting into cipher whatever might do injury
if betrayed." The scheme was never used but the sample message
reveals much about Jefferson's expectations for the expedition.
|
Gifts with a Message
Gift-giving was an essential part of diplomacy.
To Indians, gifts proved the giver's sincerity and honored
the tribe. To Lewis and Clark, some gifts advertised the technological
superiority and others encouraged the Indians to adopt an
agrarian lifestyle. Like salesmen handing out free samples,
Lewis and Clark packed bales of manufactured goods like these
to open diplomatic relations with Indian tribes. These beads
came from Mitutanka, the village nearest to Fort Mandan. Jefferson
advised Lewis to give out corn mills to introduce the Indians
to mechanized agriculture as part of his plan to "civilize
and instruct" them. Clark believed the mills were "verry Thankfully
recived," but by the next year the Mandan had demolished theirs
to use the metal for weapons. |
|
|
|
Kettle,
beads, and cornmill,
late 1700s
Courtesy of the Minnesota Historical Society (kettles),
St. Paul; Ralph Thompson Collection of the North Dakota Lewis
& Clark Bicentennial Foundation (beads),
Washburn; and the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation (cornmill)
(50, 51, 52) |
Displays of Power
In situations when ceremonies, speeches, and
gifts did not work, both the Corps and the Indians gave performances
that displayed their military power. The American soldiers
paraded, fired their weapons, and demonstrated innovative
weaponry. The Indians used war clubs, like this Sioux club,
in celebratory scalp dances. Three decades later, Swiss artist
Karl Bodmer accompanying naturalist Prince Maximillian, retraced
Lewis and Clark's trek on the Missouri River and vibrantly
recorded a similar scene in the print displayed above. |
|
|
Jefferson's Speech to a Delegation of Indian Chiefs
Indian delegations had long been part of European
diplomacy with native people, and they came to play an increasingly
important role in U.S. Indian policy as well. Even before
leaving St. Louis, Lewis and Clark began organizing delegations
to visit the new "great father" in Washington. Jefferson's
speech to a group of chiefs from the lower Missouri River
is an arresting combination of friendship, promises of peaceful
relations in a shared country, and thinly veiled threats if
Indians rejected American sovereignty. Reminding the chiefs
of the changes in international diplomacy after the Louisiana
Purchase, Jefferson insisted that "We are now your fathers;
and you shall not lose by the change." But behind all the
promises of a shared future was an unmistakable threat. As
the president said, "My children, we are strong, we are numerous
as the stars in the heavens, & we are all gunmen." |
|
[Speech
of the] "Osages, Missouri, Otos, Panis, Cansas, Ayowais, &
Sioux Nations to the president of the U.S. & to the Secretary
of War, January [4], 1806"
Page 1 - Page
2 - Page 3 - Page
4
Page 5 - Page
6 - Page 7 - Page
8
Page 9 - Page
10 - Page 11
Page 12 - Page
13 - Page 14
Page 15 - Page
16
Transcript
Manuscript document in the hand of the clerk,
endorsed by 14 tribal representatives
Courtesy of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania Library, Philadelphia (46) |
Indian Speech to Jefferson
A delegation of chiefs from western tribes was
sent by Lewis to Washington, D.C. President Jefferson welcomed
them with words of peace and friendship. But if President
Jefferson expected his native visitors to quietly accept their
status as "children" in the new American order, he was mistaken.
In their speech to Jefferson, the chiefs raised two important
concerns: the troubled economic relations between native people
and the federally operated trading posts and the rising tide
of violence Indians suffered at the hands of white settlers
on the Missouri River frontier. These chiefs were determined
to speak the truth "to the ears of our fathers." In return,
they expected that government officials would "open their
ears to truth to get in." |
Geography
In the exploration instructions prepared
for Lewis, Jefferson directed that his explorers record "the face
of the country." Geography, especially as recorded on maps, was
an important part of the information collected by the Corps of Discovery.
In planning the expedition, Lewis and Gallatin collected the latest
maps and printed accounts portraying and describing the western
country. This visual and printed data was incorporated into a composite
document--the Nicholas King 1803 map--which the expedition carried
with them at least as far as the Mandan villages. As Lewis and Clark
traversed the country, they drew sketch maps and carefully recorded
their astronomical and geographic observations. Equally important,
they gathered vital knowledge about "the face of the country" from
native people. During winters at Fort Mandan on the Missouri in
1804-1805 and at Fort Clatsop on the Pacific Coast in 1805-1806
the explorers added new details from their sketch maps and journals
to base maps depicting the course of the expedition. The first printed
map of the journey did not appear until 1814 when Nicholas Biddle's
official account of the expedition was published in Philadelphia
and London.
Euro-American explorers were not the only ones to draw maps of
the western country. As every visitor to Indian country soon learned,
native people also made sophisticated and complex maps. Such maps
often covered thousands of miles of terrain. At first glance Indian
maps often appear quite different from those made by Euro-Americans.
And there were important differences that reflected distinctive
notions about time, space, and relationships between the natural
and the supernatural worlds. William Clark was not the only expedition
cartographer to struggle with those differences. But the similarities
between Indian maps and Euro-American ones are also worth noting.
Both kinds of maps told stories about important past events, current
situations, and future ambitions. Both sorts of maps used symbols
to represent key terrain features, major settlements, and sacred
sites. Perhaps most important, Euro-Americans and Native Americans
understood that mapping is a human activity shared by virtually
every culture.
|
Nicholas King's 1803 Pre-Expedition Map
In March 1803, War Department cartographer Nicholas
King compiled a map of North America west of the Mississippi
in order to summarize all available topographic information
about the region. Representing the federal government's first
attempt to define the vast empire later purchased from Napoleon,
King consulted numerous published and manuscript maps. The
composite map reflects Jefferson and Gallatin's geographical
concepts on the eve of the expedition. It is believed that
Lewis and Clark carried this map on their journey at least
as far as the Mandan-Hidatsa villages on the Missouri River,
where Lewis annotated in brown ink additional information
obtained from fur traders.

|
Source Map for the Bend of the Missouri
River
One of the sources for Nicholas King's 1803 map
was this sketch of the Great Bend of the Missouri River (north
of present-day Bismarck, North Dakota). Copied by Lewis from
a survey for the British North West Company by David Thompson,
this map provided the exact latitude and longitude of that
important segment of the Missouri. Thompson, traveling overland
in the dead of winter, spent three weeks at the Mandan and
Pawnee villages on the Missouri River, calculating astronomical
observations. He also recorded the number of houses, tents,
and warriors of the six Indian villages in the area.
|
|
|
Fort
Mandan Map
Throughout the winter of 1804-1805 at Fort Mandan,
William Clark drafted a large map of the West --what he called
"a Connection of the country." That map, recopied several
times by Nicholas King, provided the first accurate depiction
of the Missouri River to Fort Mandan based on the expedition's
astronomical and geographical observations. Drawing on "information
of Traders, Indians, & my own observation and idea," Clark
sketched out a conjectural West--one characterized by a narrow
chain of mountains and rivers with headwaters close one to
the other, still suggesting an easy water passage to the Pacific
Coast.
|
Indian Map of Columbia
and Snake Rivers
Although
there are journal notes stating that Indians provided geographical
information for Lewis and Clark and drew maps on animal skins
or made rough sketches in the soil, no original examples
survive. However, there are several collaborative efforts
in which members of the Corps redrew Indian sketches often
combining their own observations with Indian information.
This sketch map found in one of William Clark's field notebooks
is a good example of a map derived from Indian information.
It is a diagram of the relative location of tributaries of
the Columbia and Snake (Lewis) rivers in present-day eastern
Washington and Oregon.
|
|

|
|
Field
Maps of the Fort Clatsop Area
This pair of maps is from a collection of manuscript
field maps drafted by Clark as the Corps descended the Columbia
River and wintered on the Pacific Coast at Fort Clatsop. On
the left, Clark drew a rough sketch of the mouth of the Columbia
River, oriented with south at the top of the sheet. The other
is one of the cruder examples of a map derived from Indian
information, with Clark noting "This was given by a Clott
Sopp Indn." It shows a small portion of the Pacific Coast
and locates several tribes and villages.
|
Sitting Rabbit's Map of the Missouri River
Displayed here is a portion of a 1906-1907 map
depicting the Missouri River through North Dakota to the mouth
of the Yellowstone River. It was prepared by Sitting Rabbit,
a Mandan Indian, at the request of an official of the State
Historical Society of North Dakota. Although it uses a Missouri
River Commission map as its base, the content provides a traditional
Indian perspective of the river's geography, especially noting
former Mandan village sites with earthen lodges. The portion
of the river shown here corresponds to the same stretch of
river delineated on Clark's route map (below). |
|
This image is not available online:
[Route Map about October 16-19, 1804],
copy of original map made in 1833
Copyprint of manuscript copy
Courtesy of the Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha (59D) |
Missouri
Route Map near Fort Mandan
Throughout the expedition, William Clark prepared
a series of large-scale route maps, with each sheet documenting
several days' travel. On these sheets he recorded the course
of rivers navigated, mouths of tributary streams, encampments,
celestial observations, and other notable features. Big River
on Sitting Rabbit's map (above) is identified as
Cannon Ball River on Clark's map and Beaver Creek is recorded
as Warraconne River or "Plain where Elk shed their horns,"
by Clark.
|
Fort Clatsop Map
This post-expeditionary map prepared by Washington,
D.C., cartographer Nicholas King, probably in 1806 or 1807,
most likely incorporates information from a map prepared by
Lewis and Clark in February 1806 at Fort Clatsop on the Oregon
coast. Although the original map no longer exists, such a
map is mentioned in the expedition's journals. Using King's
1805 base map, which records information observed as far as
Fort Mandan, this present copy adds geographical observations
from Fort Mandan to the west coast, as well as data from the
return trip.
|
|
Clark's Map of Midwestern Indian Settlements
Following
his appointment as governor of the Missouri Territory
in 1813, William Clark sketched this map of various Indian
tribes and villages throughout the Missouri and Illinois
territories, showing the locations of numerous forts and
settlements. He prepared it in response to British incursions
on the frontier during the War of 1812, when it was feared
that the Indians, many of them allied with the British,
would attack white settlements. The map also reflects
Clark's continuing post-expedition interest in Indian
activities having been appointed superintendent of Indian
affairs at St. Louis in 1807.
|
|
|
Frazer's Post-Expedition Map
Private Robert Frazer was the first member of
the Lewis and Clark party to announce publication of an expedition
journal. His account never reached print, and the original
journal was lost. This manuscript map is the only remnant
of that initial publishing attempt. Since Frazer had little
or no knowledge of surveying or natural sciences, the map
is a strange piece of cartography. He traces the expedition's
route, but continues to depict older views of the Rocky Mountains
and western rivers. Sometimes ignored, the Frazer map was
one of the first to reveal the course of the journey and some
of its geographic findings.
|
|
|
First
Published Map of Expedition's Track
This was the first published map to display reasonably
accurate geographic information of the trans-Mississippi West.
Based on a large map kept by William Clark, the engraved copy
accompanied Nicholas Biddle's History of the Expedition
(1814). As the landmark cartographic contribution of the expedition,
this "track map" held on to old illusions while proclaiming
new geographic discoveries. Clark presented a West far more
topographically diverse and complex than Jefferson ever imagined.
From experience, Clark had learned that the Rockies were a
tangle of mountain ranges and that western rivers were not
the navigable highways so central to Jefferson's geography
of hope.
|
History
of the Expedition
After Lewis's death in September 1809, Clark
engaged Nicholas Biddle to edit the expedition papers. Using
the captains' original journals and those of Sergeants Gass
and Ordway, Biddle completed a narrative by July 1811. After
delays with the publisher, a two-volume edition of the Corps
of Discovery's travels across the continent was finally available
to the public in 1814. More than twenty editions appeared
during the nineteenth century, including German, Dutch, and
several British editions. |
|
Calculating Distance
In order to make astronomical observations
that would aid in calculating distances, the Corps took
a sextant on their journey. On July 22, 1804, while the
expedition was above the mouth of the Platte River in
eastern Nebraska, Lewis gave a detailed description of
the operation of the sextant and other tools that reveals
his struggle to use the complicated instruments. A select
number of books were taken on the expedition including
British astronomer Nevil Maskelyne's Tables Requisite
to be Used with the Nautical Ephemeris for Finding the
Latitude and Longitude at Sea. |

W. & S.
Jones Holburn, London [patented 1788]
Sextant
Brass, wood, silver
Courtesy of the National Museum of
American History, Behring Center (60) |
|
Animals
Jefferson subscribed to the eighteenth-century
Enlightenment notion that assembling a complete catalog of the Earth's
flora and fauna was possible. In his instructions, he told Lewis
to observe "the animals of the country generally, & especially
those not known in the U.S." The Corps of Discovery was the first
expedition to scientifically describe a long list of species. Their
journals, especially those kept by Lewis, are filled with direct
observations of the specimens they encountered on the journey. Through
objective measurements and anatomical descriptions, they defined
various species previously unknown to Euro-Americans.
Indians studied animal behaviors to understand moral lessons. Animals
were beings addressed respectfully as "grandfather" or "brother."
Because animals intersected the worlds of the sacred and the profane,
Indians regarded them as intermediaries between the human and spiritual
realms.

Specimen of a "Lewis woodpecker"
[ Asyndesmus lewis, collected Camp Chopunnish, Idaho,
1806]
Preserved skin and feathers
Courtesy of Harvard University Museum of Comparative Zoology,
Boston (71) |
Lewis's
woodpecker
The woodpecker displayed above may be the only
specimen collected during the Lewis and Clark expedition to
survive intact. Lewis first saw the bird on July 20, 1805,
but did not get a specimen until the following spring at Camp
Chopunnish on the Clearwater River in Idaho. Lewis's description
of the bird's belly is still accurate when examining the specimen
today: "a curious mixture of white and blood red which has
much the appearance of having been artificially painted or
stained of that colour." |
Observing "the animals of the country generally"
Lewis covered pages with descriptions of animals
and plants during the winter of 1805-1806. This particular
journal kept during that period contains abundant zoological
notes in Lewis's hand. The journal is open to a description
of the Corps first encounter with a white-tailed jack rabbi--an
animal considered so impressive that both Lewis and Clark
wrote extensive descriptions of it. On selected occasions
both captains illustrated their notes. In the reproduction
above Clark sketched the now-endangered condor. Lewis had
correctly observed in his journal: "I bleive this to be the
largest bird of North America." |
|

William Clark (1770-1838)
Head of a Vulture (California
condor),
February 17, 1806
Copyprint of journal illustration
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St Louis (74A) |
Representing Beings
The Indian sense of "personhood" extends far
beyond the western conception of human beings. In Indian
culture
animal people, plant people, sky peopleCall are beings in
their own right. Indian art portrays a being's inner essence,
not its physical form. The Columbia River artist who created
this twined circular basket decorated it with images of condors,
sturgeons, people, and deer -- abstractions that are given
equal importance in the woven pattern. This nineteenth-century
Sioux
clay and wood pipe portrays a buffalo, whose spirit,
or Tananka, cares for children, hunters, and growing
things. It may have be created as a presentation pipe. |
|
|
Hunting Bear
Patrick Gass was one of the three sergeants in
the Corps of Discovery. His account, first printed in 1807,
was the only one available to curious readers until the official
publication appeared in1814. This Gass edition contains six
woodcuts, two of which depict encounters with bears. The image
above may have been based on Corps member Hugh McNeal's experience
on July 15, 1806. Lewis records: ". . .and with his clubbed
musquet he struck the bear over the head and cut him with
the guard of the gun and broke off the breech, the bear stunned
with the stroke fell to his ground. . .this gave McNeal time
to climb a willow tree." |
|
|
The Power of the Bear
Artist George Catlin painted the scene of a dance
held in preparation for a traditional Sioux bear hunt in 1832.
These dances were performed in order to communicate with "the
Bear Spirit." According to Catlin, the Sioux believe
this spirit "holds somewhere an invisible existence that must
be consulted and conciliated." This clay Sioux pipe bowl probably
depicts the bear's role as teacher and transmitter of power.
|

George Catlin (1796B1872)
Bear Dance of the Sioux,
1832 [printed 1844]
Hand-colored lithograph
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis (74) |
Bear effigy pipe bowl
(Sioux, Osage or Pawnee),
pre-1830s
Catlinite
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis (72) |
Dressed in Courage
In both Euro-American and native
cultures, clothing communicated messages about the wearer's biography,
rank, and role in society. In both cultures, a warrior's clothing
was his identity and men entered battle dressed in regalia that
displayed their deeds and status. Symbolic insignia revealed a complex
code about who a man was and what he had accomplished. But differences
did exist. For instance, Plains Indian men wore clothing that incorporated
symbols of their spirit visions, tribal identity, and past deeds
as manifestations of the spiritual powers that helped them in battle.
European soldiers wore similar symbols but as a way to display and
inspire uniform loyalty to their nation.
Wearing Achievement
The U.S. Army lavished effort on the details
of uniforms, increasing the psychological impact on the wearer
and his opponent. Military insignia were designed to prevent
any ambiguity about chains of command, so that a soldier could
instantly tell whom to obey. The U.S. Army was so small in
1804 that no complete uniforms survive. This reproduction
portrays a captain in the full-dress uniform of the 1st
U.S. Infantry Regiment, to which Lewis belonged. The "Kentucky"
rifle shown below--a .45 caliber flint lock--was passed down
through William Clark's family. |
Infantry captain's uniform,
bicorne hat [not shown]
Reproduction by Timothy Pickles, 2003
Textile
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical
Society, St. Louis (79) |
Rifle, post 1809,
lock by Rogers & Brothers, Philadelphia
Steel barrel, iron fittings, German silver plates,
tiger maple stock
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical
Society, St. Louis (73) |
War shirt, 1843
Antelope skin, quill work
Courtesy of the Alabama Department of Archives and History,
Montgomery (80) |
The
Plains Warrior
A Plains Indian warrior relied on personal power
in battle, and his dress incorporated symbols of his spirit
visions, his tribal identity, and his past deeds. The leader
of a war party often wore a painted shirt that detailed his
war record. On such shirts made from animal skins, the contours
of the pelt were left intact in the belief that the animal
would lend its qualities to the wearer. The most powerful
shirts were fringed with locks of human hair provided by relatives
and supporters to represent the man's responsibilities to
his relations. This shirt, probably Blackfeet, has buffalo-track
symbols on the neck flap that evoke the power of the bison
to aid the warrior in battle. |
Images of Heroism
Plains Indian men wore painted skin robes that
told of their achievements. This image of Shoshone Chief Washakie's
war robe shows a series of diagrammatic battle scenes. Here,
events happen not in a landscape but in a symbolic realm of
deeds. Depictions of his enemies are not individualized, but
are instead given costumes, hairstyles, or equipment that
represent tribal affiliation, society membership, and past
deeds. Warriors are sometimes represented by disembodied guns
or arrows. |
Washakie war robe (Shoshone),
pre-1897
Paint on deer hide
Copyprint of artifact
Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington,
D.C. (81) |

William Woollett, after a painting by Benjamin West
The Death of General Wolfe.
London: Woollett, Boydell & Ryland, 1776
Engraving
Prints and Photographs Division (81B) |
The
Ideal Military Hero
In 1759, at the height of the French and Indian
War, General Wolfe led a British-American assault on the French
outside Quebec. The print, based on a painting by Benjamin
West, shows the wounded general dying just as a messenger
brings news that the enemy is retreating. In the moment of
both victory and death, Wolfe achieves transcendent glory.
His uplifted eyes suggest both sacrifice for the nation and
triumph over death--not through faith but through fame. This
was an idealized image to which military men of Lewis and
Clark's generation aspired. |
Coyote Headdress
Coyote, the mythic trickster of the Plains Indians,
was the protector of the scouts who spied on the enemy for
a war party. This nineteenth-century Teton headdress from
the Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota was meant to
summon and symbolize Coyote's craftiness. |
Coyote headdress (Teton Sioux),
nineteenth century
Pelt, feathers, canvas, wool, hawk bell
Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington,
D.C. (78) |
Spontoon and Gorget
The spontoon, a long wooden shaft with a spear
at one end, became popular with the American army during the
Revolutionary War. Although it was required equipment that
signified an officer's rank, these pikes were commonly abandoned
for more practical weapons in battle. Lewis used his as a
walking stick, a grizzly-bear spear, and a gun rest, but never
to rally troops in battle. The origins of the gorget can be
traced to the chivalric armor. American army officers wore
these ceremonial insignia high on the chest. Lewis presented
gorgets (which he called "moons") to Indian leaders to symbolize
rank. |

Spontoon (American/Fort Ticonderoga),
late eighteenth century
Iron, wood
Courtesy of the Collection of
Fort Ticonderoga Museum, New York (81A) |

Richard Rugg
Gorget, London, ca. 1783
Silver
Courtesy of William H. Guthman
Collection (47) |
Bear Claw Necklace
To wear a bear claw necklace was a mark of distinction
for a warrior or a chief, and the right to wear it had to
be earned. These powerful symbols were a part of the culture
of the Great Lakes, Plains, and Plateau tribes. On August
21, 1805, Lewis wrote in this journal that Shoshone "warriors
or such as esteem themselves brave men wear collars made of
the claws of the brown bear. . . . These claws are ornamented
with beads about the thick end near which they are pierced
through their sides and strung on a throng of dressed leather
and tyed about the neck . . . . It is esteemed by them an
act of equal celebrity the killing one of these bear or an
enimy." |
|
Plants
In his instructions to Lewis, Jefferson
directed the party to observe and record "the soil & face of
the country, it's growth & vegetable productions, especially
those not of the U.S. . . . the dates at which particular plants
put forth or lose their flower, or leaf . . . ." The study and collection
of plants was one of Jefferson's life-long pursuits. When he instructed
the Corps in their approach to cataloging the country's flora, Jefferson
again set the pattern for subsequent explorations. Jefferson, however,
was not purely motivated by science; plants thought to have medicinal
properties, like tobacco and sassafras, were important to the U.S.
economy. As the Napoleonic Wars swept Europe and affected exports
to the United States, there was a call to reduce America's dependence
on foreign medicine and find substitutes on native soil.
Indians and Europeans had been exchanging knowledge about curing
and health for three centuries, yet they still held very different
beliefs. Indian doctors focused on the patient's relationship to
the animate world around him. Euro-American doctors saw the body
as a mechanical system needing regulation. Meriwether Lewis, instructed
by America's foremost physician Dr. Benjamin Rush, University of
Pennsylvania botanist Benjamin Barton, and his own mother, a skilled
herbalist, was to serve as the Corps doctor, but William Clark also
became adept in treating various illnesses. Though Clark rejected
Indian explanations, he often turned to Indian techniques when members
of his own party became ill.
Tourniquet, early nineteenth
century
Brass, leather, iron
Lancet, early nineteenth
century
Tortoise shell, steel
Clyster syringe, late eighteenth
century
Pewter, wood
Courtesy of the Mütter Museum, The College
of Physicians of Philadelphia (86, 87, 88) |
Curing
the Corps
Lewis and Clark were not persuaded by Indian
explanations of why illness occurred but often used Indian
cures in preference to their own. The Corps began its journey
stocked with traditional western medicinal treatments and
tools. Lewis used lancets to let out blood in such dangerous
conditions as heat exhaustion and pelvic inflammation, and
tourniquets to stop blood flow. Bleeding was thought to relieve
congestion in internal organs. Lewis originally thought he
would need three syringes for enemas but settled for one.
There is no further mention of its use. Laxatives, derived
from plant sources, were also used to purge the body of impurities.
|
Rules of Health
Thomas Jefferson asked Benjamin Rush, a noted
physician and professor of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania,
to "prepare some notes of such particulars as may occur in
his journey & which you think should draw his attention
& enquiry." Dr. Rush restricted his advice to practical
hints for maintaining health in the field--some of it unwelcome
like using alcohol for cleaning feet instead of for drinking.
Many Americans did not trust professional medicine and instead
used folk cures like these written down by Clark after the
expedition. Many folk cures originally came from Indian sources. |
This image is not available online:
William Clark
Cures for toothache and "whooping cough," early nineteenth
century
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis (92) |
Summoning the Spirits
An Indian doctor's job was to identify the being
that had caused an illness, then overcome or placate it. An
Indian patient lived in an animate world, surrounded by entities
who could make him ill. Medicinal herbs and roots were powdered
and mixed in a mortar like this one from the Northern Plains.
Drums and herbs were used to summon helpful spirits as aids
in healing. Fragrant herbs pleased and attracted good influences
and drove away evil ones. This sweetgrass braid was used as
an incense to purify implements, weapons, dwellings, and people. |
|
|
Drum (Northern Plains),
nineteenth century
Wood, hide
Courtesy of the Missouri Historical
Society, St. Louis (94) |
A Botanical Specimen
While admitting that Lewis was "no regular botanist,"
Jefferson did praise "his talent for observation." And on
June 11, 1806, during an extended stay with the Nez Perce
people, Lewis showed that talent. Camas, sometimes known as
quamash, was an important food plant for the Nez Perces. Lewis
carefully described the plant's natural environment, its physical
structure, the ways women harvested and prepared camas, and
its role in the Indian diet. Some days later Lewis gathered
samples of camas for his growing collection of western plants.
|
Camassia
quamash (Pursh),
["Collected by Lewis at Weippe Prairie, in present-day Idaho,
June 23, 1806."] Herbarium sheet
Courtesy of Academy of Natural Sciences, Ewell Sale Stewart
Library, Philadelphia (84) |
Flora Americae Septentrionalis
Frederick Pursh, an emigrant from Saxony who
worked with botanist Benjamin Smith Barton in Philadelphia,
published the first botanical record of the Lewis and Clark
expedition. Pursh received a collection of dried plants
from
Lewis, which he classified and incorporated into his Flora
Americae Septentrionalis. The volume is open to Clarkia
pulchella, a member of the evening primrose family,
which Pursh named in honor of William Clark. Pursh took
some of
the Lewis and Clark specimens to London to finish the book,
including the silky lupine specimen to the far left. |
|

Lupinus sericens, Pursh,
[silky lupine]
[collected by Lewis at Camp Chopunnish, on the Clearwater
River, Idaho, June 5, 1806]
Herbarium sheet
Courtesy of the Royal Botanic Gardens,
Kew, England (83) |
Root Digging Bag
Among the Nez Perce, only women harvested plant
foods. A man doing so risked derision and contempt. A Nez
Perce woman's year was structured around plants. As each new
food plant matured, its arrival was welcomed in a first fruits
feast. Root bags were used in gathering, cooking,
and for storage. An industrious woman could dig eighty or
ninety pounds of roots in a day. |
Root digging bag (Plateau),
pre-1898
Wild hemp and bear grass or rye grass, with dyes of alder,
Oregon grape root, wolf moss, algae, and larkspur
Courtesy of the Maryhill Museum of Art,
Goldendale, Washington (95) |
Basket (Plateau), pre-1940
Cedar bark
Courtesy of the Maryhill Museum of Art,
Goldendale, Washington (97) |
A
Gathering Basket
The cedar bark basket was used across the Plateau
for gathering berries, nuts, and roots. Bark baskets could
be made easily when a person came across some forest food
by stripping off a piece of cedar bark and folding it. |
A Sally Bag
Plateau tribes gathered wild hemp and beargrass,
then traded it to the Wishram and Wasco Indians at The Dalles
in Oregon, the dividing line between North Coast and Plateau
Indians. The traded raw materials would then be made into
finished products like this sally bag, used for packaging
food. |
Sally bag, pre-1898
Corn husk, dogbane [wild hemp]
Courtesy of the Maryhill Museum of Art, Goldendale, Washington
(96) |
Parfleche bag (Sahaptin),
early nineteenth century
Hide, pigment
Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington,
D.C. (90) |
Storing Roots
Among the Shoshone, Lewis noted that dried roots
were stored by being "foalded in as many parchment hides of
buffaloe." Hide bags, like the one on display, were made by
cleaning and sizing rawhide so that it had a smooth, paintable
surface. This bag is decorated in a distinctive Plateau style.
|
Sources for the Lewis & Clark Expedition Maps of 1803
and 1814
The two key maps that bracket the Lewis and Clark expedition
are the Nicholas King map of 1803 and the Track Map of 1814.
Nicholas King drew upon the most current information in
creating his map. This presentation shows how existing
maps were used to form King's map, which it is believed,
Lewis and Clark took on their journey.
The 1814 Track Map was the landmark product of the expedition.
Based on a large map kept by William Clark in his St. Louis
office, this map shows the geographic exploration made by
Lewis and Clark. It was part of the expedition's official
publication.
|
|
|