In our first-on-the-web quickie analysis
of United States v. Caronia, ___ F.3d ___, 2012 WL 5992141 (2d Cir. Dec.
3, 2012), we didn’t have time to do much more than unwrap the Second Circuit’s
early Christmas present. Now that we’ve
had a little more opportunity to consider some (but not nearly all) of the implications of Caronia, we offer the following.
First and foremost, whatever anybody else might
say, truthful off-label promotion is not all of a sudden “legal in the Second
Circuit.” Caronia was one
individual’s successful appeal of a criminal conviction for conspiracy to
introduce misbranded drugs in interstate commerce. It was not a declaratory judgment
action. Neither the FDA nor the
Department of Justice has been enjoined from doing anything. The brave Mr. Caronia’s conviction has simply
been vacated and remanded, rather than the action dismissed. Theoretically, if
it could prove falsity, the Agency could even (ignoring such things as
the statute of limitations or double jeopardy) prosecute the poor guy
again. What Caronia actually held
(as opposed to the court’s reasoning) was this:
[T]he government cannot prosecute pharmaceutical
manufacturers and their representatives under the FDCA for speech promoting the
lawful, off-label use of an FDA-approved drug.
2012 WL 5992141, at *15. It did this by construing the FDCA (and with
it, the FDA’s regulations) “narrowly” to avoid having to declare them
unconstitutional. That narrowing
interpretation required that truth be a defense to a misbranding claim in the
context of off-label promotion.
[E]ven if speech can be used as evidence of a drug's
intended use, we decline to adopt the government's construction of the FDCA’s
misbranding provisions to prohibit manufacturer promotion alone as it would
unconstitutionally restrict free speech. We
construe the misbranding provisions of the FDCA as not prohibiting and
criminalizing the truthful off-label promotion of FDA-approved prescription
drugs.
Id. (emphasis added). Although it’s by no means 100% sure, it
looks like Caronia’s narrowing interpretation (the court invoked a legal
doctrine of construing a statute narrowly to avoid constutitional challenge, id.
at *10) carves out a truth exception to the statute itself. So we’re probably incorrect to speak of a constitutionally
mandated truth “defense.” That would
imply that the burden of proving truth is on the defendant. By construing the statute as exempting
“truthful off-label promotion,” it appears that falsity is now an element of
off-label-related misbranding, with the burden of proof correspondingly falling on the
government.
But we repeat, we’re only making inferences from
what the Caronia decision appears to hold. It’s possible that truth as a defense (with
the burden of proof on the defendant) could also be constitutionally
permissible. We leave that to those with
more experience in criminal and constitutional law than ourselves.
One thing that is clear – Caronia being a
criminal case – so far the FDA’s civil enforcement mechanisms are
untouched. Nor does Caronia have
any direct impact on the government’s ongoing monetization of its First
Amendment violations by way of the False Claims Act. Caronia is not a FCA case (even less
does it involve a state FCA analogue).
Nor, of course, does Caronia have anything other than persuasive
effect outside of the Second Circuit.
And in this regard even “Second Circuit” should be treated with caution. Both the DOJ and private FCA plaintiffs are
adept at forum shopping. A company based
outside of Connecticut, New York, and/or Vermont (the states of the Second
Circuit) could easily face suits brought in its home state over promotional activities
that occurred in a Second Circuit state.
And finally, Caronia is not a product
liability action involving allegations of truthful (at least, according to our
side) off-label promotion. Despite our
best efforts, since we (well, Bexis) first conceived of a First Amendment
defense in this context back in the mid-1990s, precedent recognizing the
defense in product liability remains unfortunately rare.
Nonetheless, Caronia is the best jumping off
point yet for the accomplishment of all of the above things.
If we don’t screw it up.
Anybody out there who uses Caronia as an
excuse for engaging in problematic off-label promotion is not doing our side
any favors. We need to be purer than
Cæsar’s wife for the duration, until the First Amendment protection of
truthful scientific speech concerning off-label indications well
established. As for suggestions on how
to stay squeaky clean, we again recommend the FDA’s own Guidance on ReprintPractices,
which we thoroughly reviewed here
back in 2009. While that guidance
directly relates to only scientific articles and textbooks, as we mentioned at
the time, it contains a number of safeguards that could be adapted to any type
of legal off-label promotion to ensure its accuracy and balance.
Why be careful?
Well in addition to the obvious (prosecution, fines, jail time,
debarment, civil litigation, etc.) it would be unfortunate indeed to give the
government evidence that it failed to marshal in Caronia. We sincerely doubt that the Solicitor
General’s office, when presented with Caronia, will be very happy. Conversely, from our side, Caronia is
a pretty good case on which to have the Supreme Court review the First
Amendment protection of truthful off-label promotion.
First of all, most court records, and not just
criminal records, are a lot messier than Caronia when it comes to the
most important point – the truthfulness of the speech. That was the problem we ran into back in Bone
Screw – it was easy for the plaintiffs to muddy the issue with claims that,
in one way or another, the speech in question was (or at least a jury could
conceivably find) false. See, e.g.,
In re Orthopedic Bone Screw Products Liability Litigation, 193 F.3d 781,
793-94 (3d Cir. 1999); Baker v. Danek Medical, 35 F. Supp.2d 865, 867-68
(N.D. Fla. 1998). It turned out that
there were plenty of quicker and cheaper ways of winning those cases
than pursuing the First Amendment angle.
Not so in Caronia. The
government didn’t even attempt to establish falsity. Rather the prosecution’s case was that all
off-label promotion was illegal and proving that such promotion took place was
enough. Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141,
at *6-7.
Second, despite having its usual
overwhelming resource advantage, the prosecution apparently did not take the
First Amendment challenge in Caronia seriously before or at trial. In particular, First Amendment jurisprudence
places the burden on the government to justify that an impingment upon free
speech is narrowly tailored to achieve the government’s objective. Id. at *11 (“government cannot completely
suppress information when narrower restrictions on expression would serve its
interests as well”). If there’s any
evidence in the Caronia record to support the proposition that banning
truthful speech is essential to achieving those objectives (public health,
preserving the FDA’s approval process), it’s very well hidden, since neither
the majority opinion nor the more pro-government dissent cites to it.
Third, we like the atmospherics. Mr. Caronia is quite sympathetic as criminal
defendants go. He only responded to inquiries. He told the truth. Nobody got hurt. Heck, the drug in question was never even
prescribed, since the doctor who made the inquiries was wearing a wire for the
government. Caronia, 2012 WL
5992141, at *4 (two conversations were “recorded” “between Caronia and Dr.
Stephen Charno, a physician who, as a government cooperator, posed as a
prospective . . . customer”).
In short, it was a sting operation. Frankly, to us, the government acted sleazier than anything the defendant
did – going to all this trouble over something that wasn’t very serious, and
then prosecuting the lesser light after more active participants pleaded
guilty. Id. at *6. For his horrible crime, Caronia received
probation and was fined the grand sum of $25. Id.
at *7. If this is how the DoJ spends its money, no wonder it tries to use drug and device manufacturers as ATMs.
So, assuming Caronia goes up, the
government’s not in exactly a strong position to run some parade of horribles
past the Supreme Court. There’s nothing
in the record to support those arguments. Nor does
the record reflect any evidence that the alternatives to the FDA’s speech ban mentioned by
the court – providing independent safety information about questionable
off-label uses, disclaimers, creating safety tiers among off-label uses (like
Medicare does), disclosure of known off-label uses in the approval process,
ceilings or caps on off-label use that would require submission for FDA approval,
target bans of specific off-label uses – would be ineffective at achieving the
government’s legitimate objectives. Caronia,
2012 WL 5992141, at *15 (pointing out “the absence of any support” for the
government’s “conclusory assertions”).
It really would be criminal (from our perspective) for anybody to engage
in egregious off-label promotion and thus to hand the government anything with which to
supplement the meager record that it seems to have constructed for itself.
* * * *
We also promised to take a look at the dissent in Caronia,
since the dissent would contain the arguments we’re most likely to see from the government, should the
case be appealed further. The dissent’s
primary argument is really an attempt to dodge the whole speech ban issue, by
characterizing it not a ban at all, but merely as “using speech as evidence of
motive or intent.” Caronia, 2012
WL 5992141, at *15. The majority dealt
with that argument with extensive citations to the record demonstrating that,
in this particular case, the government used the off-label promotion (the
speech) itself as the offense, and not merely as evidence of an intent to misbrand
the drug in some other (unspecified and frankly impossible to discern) way. Id. at *9-10.
But even if the government had only used speech as "evidence of intent," we don’t
think that makes any difference in the context of off-label promotion. The speech/evidence would relate to “intended
use” and only to that (no other element of the misbranding offense is mentioned). That’s what the FDA’s regulation 21 C.F.R.
§201.5 explicitly states. But the
intended uses of a drug are not really in dispute in this sort of litigation. The on-label ones are those stated in the label
itself. Where, as in Caronia, the
existence of the off-label promotion is not disputed, the unlabeled “intended
use” is likewise undisputed. See 2012
WL 5992141, at *18 (intended use was undisputed). So the entire distinction collapses because
“intended use” is congruent with misbranding (since an off-label use by
definition does not have the “adequate directions for use” necessary to avoid a
misbranding charge).
So, to us, the “evidence of intent” argument smacks
of a distinction without a difference, since the evidence
relates to an element of an offense that is not seriously in dispute. That off-label promotion was the heart
and soul of the government’s case belies it solely being relevant to the
undisputed element of “intended use.” The dissent cites a case, Wisconsin
v. Mitchell, 508 U.S. 476, 489 (1993), but a quick look at Mitchell
shows that intent was very much in dispute – it was a hate crime case, and the
speech was used as evidence of motivation specifically by racial animus. Likewise the FDCA cases cited by the dissent
are inapposite. Both Whitaker v.
Thompson, 353 F.3d 947 (D.C. Cir. 2004), and United States v. Writers
& Research, Inc., 113 F.3d 8 (2d Cir. 1997), involved products that had
no FDA approval for anything being promoted for medical use, and United
States v. An Article ... Consisting of 216 Individually Cartoned Bottles,
409 F.2d 734 (2d Cir. 1969), was not only a totally unapproved product, but had
nothing to do with the First Amendment as it preceded the first commercial
speech case by seven years. As the
majority took pains to point out, its ruling did not extend First Amendment
protection to promotion of completely unapproved products for medical
uses. Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *15 (decision “is limited to FDA-approved
drugs for which off-label use is not prohibited”).
Thus, it's plain that much of the dissent is
directed at a straw man – promotion not of off-label uses, but of unapproved
products – those without any evidence (in the form of FDA approval) of safety
or effectiveness for anything medical.
Snake oil is one thing; off-label use is something else entirely. The dissent’s failure to cite even a single
real off-label use case is telling.
Evidently none of them support the dissent’s argument.
Besides, as the dissent acknowledges, id. at
*17, the FDA’s intended use language has been “unchanged for sixty years.” Sixty years ago, First Amendment protection
of corporate speech of this nature was not even a glimmer on the horizon. Plainly, the FDA regulation upon which the
Agency’s wholesale prohibition of truthful speech is based was drafted with no
consideration whatever of First Amendment concerns that did not exist at the
time.
Later, the dissent goes after another straw man:
There might be no law forbidding the consumption of
arsenic. But this would not endow Abby
and Martha with a First Amendment right to offer arsenic-laced wine to lonely
old bachelors with the intent that they drink it.
Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *21. Really.
There is a law against murder, however.
More to the point, its difficult to see what truthful speech could accompany an offer
of an arsenic-laced product. Reductio ad absurdum can sometimes be a
valid form of argument, but here it’s just absurd.
In this context, where the FDA and DoJ treat
off-label promotion as prima facie
proof of an unapproved “intended use” without need for any other evidence – and
plainly did so in the Caronia prosecution − the dissent’s proffered
distinction between “direct regulation” of speech and “speech as evidence of
intent” is (as the majority rightly held) truly a distinction without a
difference. The right of free speech is
simply too important to be chilled by such hair splitting.
Finally, at around page *23, the shoal of red herrings
disperses and we reach the dissent’s First Amendment analysis. Oddly, the dissent doesn’t address
“heightened scrutiny” under Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc., 131 S.Ct. 2653
(2011), which was a separate and independent basis for the majority’s
ruling. Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141,
at *12-13. Instead, the dissent jumps
right to intermediate scrutiny of commercial speech under Central Hudson
Gas & Electric Corp. v. Public Service Commission, 447 U.S. 557 (1980). So after noting this gaping hole in the
dissent’s analysis, we’ll do the same.
The dissent invokes the “central feature of the
FDCA” – the FDA’s “rigorous premarket approval process.” Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *23. Fine.
We don’t disagree that this is a “substantial” government interest under
First Amendment analysis. Neither did
the Caronia majority. Id.
at *13 (“preserving the effectiveness and integrity of the FDCA's drug approval
process” satisfied this prong of Central Hudson). The dissent then states, with no analysis,
that the ban on truthful off-label promotion “directly advances” this
interest. But as the majority points
out, the FDA’s ban is shot through with holes – literally anybody, other than
the FDA-regulated manufacturer, may advocate an off-label use for any
reason. Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141,
at *12 (pointing out, in the context of the prohibition being “speaker-based”
under Sorrell, that “physicians and academics” are free to discuss
off-label use). But it’s worse than
that. If we wanted, this blog could
promote off-label uses for any reason at all, with no valid evidence at all, because we aren’t FDA
regulated.
A speech ban that’s shot full of holes simply
doesn’t “directly advance” the government’s interest in suppressing whatever
information is being banned. See
Greater New Orleans Broadcasting Ass’n v. United States, 527 U.S. 173,
190 (1999) (ban on casino advertising failed because of the number of
exceptions); Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 489-90 (1995)
(ban on advertising the “proof” of alcoholic beverages failed for same reason); Bad Frog
Brewery, Inc. v. New York State Liquor Authority, 134 F.3d 87, 99 (2d Cir.
1998) (ban on one form of vulgarity failed because of “the wide currency of
vulgar displays”). We could cite more,
but that’s enough to make the point.
Without acknowledging these cases, the dissent
seeks to avoid them by arguing that only manufacturers could “undermine” FDA
approval by “not participating in it.” Caronia,
2012 WL 5992141, at *24. Oh really? We seem to recall the FDA making the same arguments recently
before Congress in connection with pharmaceutical compounding. Similar arguments didn’t stop the Supreme
Court from striking down the FDA’s ban on advertising of such compounding under
Central Hudson in Thompson v. Western States Medical Center, 535
U.S. 357 (2002). Thus, we don’t think
that concerns over the FDA’s ability to force manufacturers to seek
approvals of drugs (or intended uses of drugs) alone suffices to overcome the
First Amendment. Given the myriad of medically accepted off-label uses out there (many rare diseases have no on-label treatments at all), it hasn't been all that effective in any event.
Rather, we think that the key question under Central
Hudson is whether something more narrowly tailored than a flat global ban
on any statements (truthful or otherwise) about off-label use by regulated manufacturers (the
FDA's apparent unwritten definition of “promotion” – which may in itself be too vague to survive Due Process) could accomplish that purpose just as well.
The prohibition of off-label promotion is thus not
simply a “paternalistic” attempt to shield physicians and patients from
truthful information. Rather, it is a
necessary tool for the effective functioning of a regulatory system that the
Supreme Court has endorsed as legitimate.
Caronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *25. OK, prove it.
In a Central Hudson challenge, the government bears the burden of
proof. Despite Mr. Caronia’s
long-standing First Amendment objections, and the prosecution’s overwhelming
resource advantage, nothing in the record bears out this quasi-apocalyptic
declaration. Why are none of the
alternatives offered by the majority not effective? Id.
If the dissent were an expert report, it would fail Daubert. General Electric Co. v. Joiner, 522
U.S. 136, 146 (1997) (“nothing . . . requires a district court to
admit opinion evidence that is connected to existing data only by the ipse dixit
of the expert”). For instance, the
dissent states that “[a] ceiling on off-label prescriptions would require
collecting data from countless numbers of doctors and patients.” Coronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *25. Perhaps, but that kind of data collection was
exactly what Sorrell was about.
Data miners already collect and sell prescription-specific data to drug
companies, so the existence of any huge practical problem is questionable. It’s simply speculation in the absence of any
record basis.
The dissent also states that a ban on off-label use
“would constitute an unprecedented intrusion into the practice of medicine, and
would result in perhaps an even greater restriction on speech.” Coronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *25. We agree with the first part of that
statement (indeed, as to devices, the FDA lacks that authority, 21 U.S.C.
§396), but the second part doesn’t follow.
A ban on the act of off-label use – assuming it could be enacted (Ohio did
it in an abortion-related context) – has nothing to do with speech.
Finally, the dissent states:
Congress intended the FDA approval process to prevent
dangerous products with false or misleading labels from entering the market,
and also to provide a base of reliable, objective information about
prescription drugs that could help physicians and patients identify potentially
misleading claims.
Coronia, 2012 WL 5992141, at *26. We think that’s completely tautological. It assumes what it’s trying to prove. The whole point of Coronia is that a
ban on truthful off-label
promotion is unconstitutional. To the
extent that the dissent equates truthful speech with “false or misleading
labels,” it’s positively Orwellian – that proposition, “truth is false,” would fit in nicely with the other slogans on the wall of the Ministry of
Truth. The only way to justify such a statement, from
a First Amendment perspective, is to argue that off-label promotion is
inherently misleading. That just isn’t
so. Even the district court in Caronia
didn’t buy that. United States v.
Caronia, 576 F.Supp.2d 385, 397 (E.D.N.Y. 2008) (“[p]romotion of off-label
uses is not inherently misleading simply because the use is off-label”), rev’d
on other grounds, 2012 WL 5992141 (2d Cir. Dec. 3, 2012). Literally dozens of cases have held that
off-label promotion isn’t inherently false, fraudulent, or misleading. We complied them here
not too long ago. We agree with the conclusion of one of
the first First Amendment cases involving off-label promotion:
In asserting that any and all scientific claims about
the safety, effectiveness, contraindications, side effects, and the like
regarding prescription drugs are presumptively untruthful or misleading until
the FDA has had the opportunity to evaluate them, FDA exaggerates its overall
place in the universe. It is certainly
the case that by statute, no drug may be introduced or delivered into
interstate commerce without FDA approval, and that the claims that a
manufacturer may make about a drug through labeling, advertising and other
forms of promotion are subject to FDA regulatory authority. However, the conclusions reached by a
laboratory scientist or university academic and presented in a peer-reviewed
journal or textbook, or the findings presented by a physician at a CME seminar
are not “untruthful” or “inherently misleading” merely because the FDA has not
yet had the opportunity to evaluate the claim. . . . [T]he FDA is not a peer review mechanism for
the scientific community.
Washington Legal Foundation v. Friedman, 13 F.
Supp.2d 51, 67 (D.D.C. 1998), vacated in part as moot after the FDA abandoned
its position, 202 F.3d 331 (D.C. Cir. 2000). In short, there is no legal basis
for the dissent’s implication that off-label promotion, by its nature, is
inherently misleading.
* * * *
Finally, we need to comment on the 360 article on Caronia
(subscription required) that appeared on December 4, 2012). It’s about preemption, and we found it rather
narrow and one-sided. As to preemption, everyone
should remember that the availability of this defense varies widely among
FDCA-regulated products.
Thanks to Wyeth v. Levine, 555 U.S. 555
(2009), there’s not much of a preemption defense for branded
pharmaceuticals. With respect to them,
we think that if the FDA’s off-label promotion ban is struck down, in the long
term that can only help preemption arguments, to the extent that such arguments may otherwise be made.
That’s because implied preemption is dependent upon conflicts between
the common-law and FDA requirements.
Right now, the FDA doesn’t impose requirements on off-label
promotion. The Agency simply bans
it. If the First Amendment precludes a
ban, then we have to believe that the FDA will – kicking and screaming, perhaps
− eventually accept reality and impose what it believes are First Amendment-compliant “time,
place and manner” restrictions on such promotion. Whatever form those future restrictions might take,
they will be “requirements” having preemptive effect. That has to help conflict preemption
arguments, since the more requirements there are, the more opportunities there
are for common-law claims to conflict with them.
Then there are medical devices. Each and every word that Caronia said
about the First Amendment in the context of prescription drugs is equally
applicable to medical devices. The FDA’s
“intended use” regulation for medical devices, 21 C.F.R. §801.4, is worded
identically to the earlier regulation for drugs. The same flat prohibition is in effect. With respect to preemption, under Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr, 518 U.S. 470 (1996), there’s very little
preemption with respect to Class I and II medical devices. Therefore, our observations with respect to
branded prescription drugs apply.
With respect to
Class III/PMA medical devices, thanks to Riegel v. Medtronic, Inc., 552 U.S. 312
(2008), there already is a lot of preemption,
particularly of warning claims. The
chief value of Caronia with respect to product liability claims
involving PMA devices has to do with the “parallel violation” claim exception
that courts have recognized to preemption.
To the extent that a medical device plaintiff purports to allege
“parallel” claims based on off-label promotion, the First Amendment would
provide it with a separate defense, unrelated to preemption, that would bar
such claims. Under New York Times Co.
v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964), state common law cannot impose liability
upon the exercise of First Amendment-protected speech. Therefore, to the extent that the FDA can’t
ban truthful off-label promotion, neither can private plaintiffs via claims purporting to "parallel" FDA requirements.
So in the
context of PMA medical devices, the primary importance of the First Amendment
defense is not because it might change preemption
one way or the other, but because it would independently eliminate certain
claimed “parallel” claims that might otherwise survive preemption.
Finally, as to
generic drugs, preemption of warning claims is based on the FDCA’s “sameness”
requirement. The First Amendment could
thus affect preemption in two ways.
First, to the extent that plaintiffs argue that truthful off-label
promotion isn’t preempted because it’s beyond “sameness” – those claims would
be independently barred to the extent that the promotion is truthful, and thus
First Amendment protected, under the NYT v. Sullivan rationale. However, to the extent that the FDA does
eventually start imposing First Amendment-compliant requirements on off-label
promotion, the “sameness” requirement would apply those changes equally to generic
drugs (absent expressly contrary language, which if not accompanied by a
statutory amendment could raise its own set of problems). Thus, under “sameness,” any FDA “time, place,
manner” regulation of off-label promotion would appear to have preemptive effect, to the
extent plaintiffs alleged any different sort of tort requirement.
At least that’s
how we see Caronia right now (we haven't even begun to parse through things like the FCA).
We’ll keep following the emergence of the long-awaited First Amendment
defense to off-label promotion (both criminal and civil) with our customary
great interest. Whenever we find
anything else of interest – such as the extended analysis of “secondary dissemination”
of purely scientific speech in Genzyme Corp. v. Shire Human Genetic
Therapies, Inc., ___ F. Supp.2d ___, 2012 WL 5974049, at *3-6 (D. Mass. Nov.
29, 2012) (not an off-label promotion case), we’ll be sure to pass it along.